it would be wonderful to be able to declare that
racial tensions finally see a decline in this country. but i would be
lying if i wrote that. as a young man having grown up in alabama, with
the awful weight of a history of slavery, oppression,
and violence, it seems to me that i should at this time, this many
decades away from the marches in selma, that i should be able to say at
least that things have changes, that things are different, that racism
does not exist to the extent that it did. it
has come loudly to my attention recently that this is not true, that
not enough has changed.
adam liptak, legal correspondent for the new york
times, reported on
a provision of the voting rights act that to be
considered by the supreme court later this month. the voting rights act
of 1965 requires that the governments of several
states obtain permission to change voting law and regulation. the
provision applies to alabama, alaska, arizona, georgia, louisiana,
mississippi, south carolina, texas, and virginia and as well as certain
other local governments in other states. i have heard
the argument for a few years now that this part of the law should be
retired, that the nation has moved past requiring such a provision, and
that the law discriminates against southern states.
i wish this provision were not necessary or
warranted. liptak reports that in evergreen, alabama jerome gray was
inappropriately culled from the distict's voter roll when a clerk
reviewed the registry in comparison to utility records.
the federal court in mobile ruled that the city could not use the new
registry as it had not been approved according to section 5 of the civil
rights act by the department of justice or a federal court in
washington, d.c.
liptak writes, "The court in Mobile this month said
the case before it, concerning Evergreen, was simple: because the city
had not obtained preclearance from federal authorities, it could not
revise its voting list using utility records.
Nor could it use a municipal redistricting plan enacted by the City
Council that had concentrated black voters, who are in the majority,
into just two of the five districts, limiting black voting power."
it seems insane that anyone still thinks they can
get away with promoting disenfranchisement like this, even in alabama,
but honestly it must happen all the time. even if the motivations of
such gerrymandering are political and not overtly
racial, we still must conclude that these efforts are racist as someone
can believe it is okay to take advantage of a black population for
political gain. and manipulation like this affects not just black
communities in america, but communities of various
ethnic groups and low income communities as well.
i find it frightening that instances of racism like
this could be covered over, that we would never even catch such
systemic disenfranchisement. this change in regulation which would have
greatly affected the voice and power of a community
could have been accepted if it were not for a provision of the voting
rights act, which some argue the south no longer needs. this sort of
political manipulation should not even be possible.
if these large acts of disempowerment exist in
american politics, potentially without being noticed by a larger public,
then how many small acts of racism get passed over and unacknowledged?
i think i must be guilty for not saying anything,
for not doing anything, for not being aware enough. this must be the
first step for me as a caucasian american: awareness.
in another article yesterday from the new york
times' series of philosophical articles,
adam etinson writes about ethnocentrism. he argues against thinking of ethnocentric morality as
relative. however, he does believe that in acknowledging
the danger of ethnocentrism, in awareness, one can begin to
deconstruction the morals we accept as objective in our life and begin
to dig for deeper truth.
"[John Stewart] Mill is quick to acknowledge the
'magical influence of custom' on our thought, and the way in which local
beliefs and practices inevitably appear to us to be “self-evident and
self-justifying,” but he does not see this as
a reason to lapse into skepticism. Instead, and quite reasonably, he
takes it to be evidence of both our intellectual laziness and our
fallibility — the ever-present possibility that our beliefs might be
wrong. The fact that our deepest-held beliefs would
be different had we been born elsewhere on the planet (or even,
sometimes, to different parents farther down the street), should
disconcert us, make us more open to the likelihood of our own error, and
spur us to rigorously evaluate our beliefs and practices
against alternatives, but it need not disillusion."